Sheila Jasanoff on The Honest Broker

April 10th, 2008

Posted by: Roger Pielke, Jr.

As I have commented here before, one of the pleasures of writing a book is receiving reactions and comments, especially those from people who you have learned from and respected. Sheila Jasanoff, of Harvard University, is one of the giants of the “science and technology studies” community, and in the current issue of the American Scientist, she writes a review of The Honest Broker. But unlike Eugene Skolnikoff, another giant in the field who recently reviewed the book, Professor Jasanoff is far more critical of the book. However, after carefully reading her review, I remain unclear as to what her objections actually are to the book, and this post explains why.

Professor Jasanoff’s summary of the book, which comprises most of the review is excellent and clearly written. It is clear that she read the book closely. Jasanoff offers two critiques of the book.

There are two major difficulties with this analysis. First and most important, scholarship in the field of science and technology studies has shown that the dividing line between forms of political engagement is not fixed in advance but continually shifts in the process of knowledge making.

Right. I agree completely. Professor Jasanoff explains this critique with the following example:

Many choices that were once regarded as matters of lifestyle or values alone (“abortion politics”) have been converted into choices that are now constrained by things we know (“tornado politics”). Thus it is no longer appropriate to discriminate against people simply because their skin color is different; today, mainstream biology tells us that such surface appearances do not correlate with significant differences in ability or behavior and hence do not justify racial discrimination in matters of public policy.

Does she really wish to assert that opposition to discrimination has its roots in scientific understandings of biology? How would she explain pre-Darwinian emancipation movements? Such movements were justified in terms of fundamental human rights and values, not science. Similarly, would Professor Jasanoff find discrimination acceptable if science could show some differences in “ability or behavior’? I rather doubt it.

So I certainly agree that community values evolve over time and issues that were once contested can take on a consensus (and of course the directionality can also work in the other direction). So, in the language of the book, issues can at one point in time be characterized best as Abortion Politics, and at another time as Tornado Politics. As I say in the book, context matters. So I am unclear about her objection. But if she is implying that science leads to a broad consensus on values in situations like racial discrimination, then it is safe to say that we disagree.

The second critique is:

A second, and related, point is that science does not always serve the public interest best by widening the scope of policy choice.

This is an unfortunate mischaracterization of the book, because nowhere in the book do I make this claim. In fact, in several places I emphasize the importance of all of the four roles for science that I describe in a healthy democracy. For instance, on p. 136 I write:

Issue Advocacy [that seeks to reduce choice], as important as it is, should always be complimented by scientists choosing to faithfully serve in each of the other roles.

In this context, she takes issue with my critique of the role of scientists in the climate change debate:

Pielke cites the example of climate scientists, who in his view unjustifiably narrowed the debate on policy alternatives by too enthusiastically embracing the Kyoto Protocol. Knowledge about climate change could have supported a far wider set of policies, he argues. There were, however, good political reasons for supporting the Kyoto Protocol at the moment when it was negotiated.Students of international regimes know that treaties are only a formal starting point for international cooperation. Like any good legal framework, a treaty acquires a life of its own. It helps keep parties at the bargaining table to carry on a discussion that may, over time, bring about significant changes in the treaty’s original framing assumptions and prescriptions. Support for Kyoto, accordingly, could legitimately have been seen as support for ongoing multilateral conversation—which many people would have regarded as preferable to a situation in which the world’s leading climate player, the United States, simply opted out of international deliberations.

Here she is unfortunately far too imprecise. I agree with her 100% that there were indeed good political reasons for supporting the Kyoto Protocol — Consider that early in the Bush Administration I argued that the President was mistaken in pulling out of the process. My complaint about scientists and Kyoto has been, as Professor Jasanoff accurately writes, that the scientific community contributed to a narrowing of the political debate, and not that there were no good reasons to support Kyoto. As the Kyoto Process reaches what may be an inglorious end, we are now paying the price for allowing Kyoto to be the only game in town.

My view is that climate policies, and indeed many others mired in deep conflict, are enhanced when options are openly discussed, and we avoid premature closure. If Professor Jasanoff is suggesting that climate discussions should focus on Kyoto and only Kyoto, then we do indeed disagree. Interestingly, in the book I make the exact same argument about the role of intelligence in the decision to go to war in Iraq, saying that in this case as well other possible options to a quick invasion were not openly considered, but Professor Jasanoff is silent on that case.

Professor Jasanoff continues along these lines offering the most puzzling comment in the entire review:

[STS scholars] see as problematic scientists’ tendency to naturalize or take for granted values and social preferences that are often embedded in the internal workings of science. As a result, many scientific priorities and methodological choices that should be open to wider debate remain insulated from critical scrutiny.

Right. And this seems perfectly consistent with her characterization earlier in the review of what I call “stealth issue advocates”:

Pielke’s greatest scorn is reserved for those scientist-experts who take politically interested advocacy positions without admitting to themselves or others that this is what they are doing.

Such “stealth issue advocacy” (a subset of what she calls “values and social preferences that are often embedded in the internal workings of science”) has been a central theme of Professor Jasanoff’s own work, and I cite her to that effect in the book, the following passage is from her book “The Fifth Branch: Science Advisors as Policymakers”:

The notion that scientific advisors can or do limit themselves to addressing purely scientific issues, in particular, seems fundamentally misconceived … the advisory process seems increasingly important as a locus for negotiating scientific differences that have political weight.

So it is with some surprise that I see Professor Jasanoff’s review close with what appears to be a call for the reification of the separation of science and politics:

Pielke is right to want more honest brokers in the policy process. But expert policy advisers would do best to function as honest brokers of scientific alternatives—disclosing the limits of their information and the extent of their uncertainty in a spirit of professional humility.

I am unclear how this follows from what comes immediately before, or how it contradicts in anyway what I have written in the book:

What STS scholars have insisted on is that the very process of collecting and codifying information is value-laden and should not be insulated from democratic accountability. Nor should ambiguities in the available knowledge be concealed behind monolithic claims of scientific certainty.

I agree and never say anything differently.

I appreciate that Sheila Jasanoff has taken the time to provide a critical reading of the book. Unfortunately, and perhaps as might be expected from the author, I don’t find the critiques stand up to the high standard that Professor Jasanoff has set for herself in the past. Ultimately, readers of the book will have to come to their own judgments.

4 Responses to “Sheila Jasanoff on The Honest Broker”

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  1. David Bruggeman Says:

    I have a suspicion that Dr. Jasanoff is talking past your arguments and is trying to insert her concerns over scientists not opening up their thinking and problem choices to more democratic governance. That’s a distinct, though related, issue from foreclosing policy options through appeals to scientific authority.

    Her comments are of a kind with her short piece on science and politics in the latest issue of Seed (which I don’t think is yet online). She avoids a discussion of the current political race’s avoidance of science to talk about the same kinds of things she does in her review.

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  3. George Tobin Says:

    To understand her critique you must understand that Prof. Jasanoff (a law professor) begins with an ideological resentment of science’s “privileged” status in law.

    In the policy debates about the use of scientific evidence and the gatekeeper role of judges in preventing junk science from being presented to juries, Ms. Jasanoff is more or less in favor of junk science. If a community (i.e., “juries”) wants to believe a particular cause and effect narrative, why should a bunch of guys in lab coats get to stop them by limiting the evidence to approved “privileged” narratives from arbitrary social groupings and language games like medicine, chemistry, physics or math?

    At the heart of her critique is an utter refusal to acknowledge in any way that the methods and outcomes of scientific activity is in any way qualitatively different from the activities of hockey players, salesmen or street mimes. All is social construct. There are no tests, no standards, no possibility of objective feedback that creates a state of knowledge that can be “privileged” in any way. All is politics. All is value-laden. All is subject to the Will of the Community. I believe at least 2 Star Trek episodes were based on that philosophy….

    Pielke is talking about scientists’ using scientific understanding to recognize when policy preferences start to supplant the role of evidence and experimental confirmation as a source of relative confidence or certainty. Jasanoff would find the search for such relative certainty to be an offense against The Community unless the Will of the Community is the basis for that certainty. Hence the need for “humility” on the part of scientists who are not of the body… Hail Landru!!

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  5. Jonathan Gilligan Says:

    I have studied much of Jasanoff’s writing in depth and have taught it for over 10 years and I can’t see where in Jasanoff’s actual work Tobin gets his idea that she favors junk science, refuses to acknowledge the special status of scientific activity in producing reliable knowledge, or argues that all knowledge is an arbitrary social construct.

    Nothing I have read remotely resembles Tobin’s characterization.

    Jasanoff does not seem to me to have any ax to grind, but looks at different examples of how science is used in the policy and judicial arenas without trying to reduce all cases to a single principle.

    In some cases (e.g., U.K. decision to ban leaded gasoline in the mid 1980s, described in “Acceptable Evidence in a Pluralistic Society”) she writes about how the U.K.’s technocratic approach of deferring the decision to expert scientists worked much better than the U.S. approach of treating the scientific question in adversarial proceedings as though it were a lawsuit.

    In other cases (MAFF’s dishonesty about BSE and vCJD, discussed in “Civilization and Madness”) she looks at how the abuse of expertise in a technocracy (i.e., arguing by appeal to authority rather than from evidence) undermines trust in the experts and disrupts the smooth function of markets.

    If Tobin disagrees it would be useful for him to provide a reasoned argument, supported by evidence (quotations from Jasanoff’s writing) instead of making unsubstantiated personal attacks.

    Oh, and on a factual matter, Jasanoff is not a law professor, as Tobin asserts, but a professor of Science and Technology Studies at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, with secondary appointments in Public Health and History.

    For what it’s worth, I do not know Jasanoff personally, have never collaborated with her, and am moved to post this defense out of respect for her scholarly writing and not for any other reason.

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  7. George Tobin Says:

    1. I stand corrected. Jasanoff is a policy professor with a law degree who writes a great deal about the use of scientific evidence.
    2. In “Science at the Bar” and elsewhere she expresses disagreement with the Daubert decision. In practice she favors allowing juries to decide what is or is not science. That is the essence of a pro-junk science position.
    3. I find her writings ends-oriented and rather protean. You cite her approval of the UK giving technocrats the right to set environmental regulations on fuels. Had those technocrats not come to such a PC decision, Jasanoff would in all likelihood have cited it as an instance where science failed to be more inclusive, that it relied on a kind of false consciousness of its own certainty etc. I get the impression that for Jasanoff, the idea that one policy alternative may have more substantive scientific support than another is either (a) an odious act of hubris if it is not the right choice or (b) an affirmation of the broader views of the community from the perspective of a different community of interest if it is the correct outcome.
    4. In the samples Pielke cites there is the theme that there is no such thing as a non-political or non-agenda drive scientist. There is the need to bring science into the politically defined universe where everyone’s motives and methods are subject to political scrutiny (except, presumably, for tenured “STS” professors) is tiresome and intellectually unproductive. The only issue ought to be whether the scientist can back up a statement in a manner that other scientists would agree was scientific with logic, experiment, quantification, mathematical confirmation. The sociology of science is useless as a measure of the validity of science.
    5. I agree that scientists don’t get to make policy just because there is a scientific issue involved. I agree that credentialism is not a valid basis for policy. Jasanoff is justifiably quick to limit the contribution of science where science overstates its role or competence. What I don’t get from her is what happens when there is a high degree of certainty? What is the weight of that circumstance? Does ideology still define the facts when science disagrees and can back it up? Does the “community” still get to decide that Bendectin causes birth defects as in the Daubert case? Is Jasanoff (or the politically defined community as a whole) ever required to judge science on science’s terms or can it always make up its own criteria? Science has to have the “humility” to participate in policy on Jasanoff’s terms but does she in turn have to evaluate science on its own terms?
    6. Pielke is right that scientists should strive to adhere to that which makes them scientists and in so doing be of more value to any discussion that benefits from or relies upon scientific insight. That puts the scientist in an inherently imperfect state of knowledge as any college sophomore knows. But it is an imperfection that is made transparent by its own methods and rules unlike politicization masquerading as method.
    It is an intellectual inversion of the highest order that those whose methods impose no discipline nor any test of validity other than ideological preference to presume to judge the worth of the works of those who do accept such discipline.
    7. The replacement of the philosophy of science with the sociology of science makes for shallow treatment of scientific knowledge. I don’t get from Jasanoff any scientific sense of relative certainty or fit or that it even matters. It’s easy to demote science when it has no substantive answers but what is the response when it does?